Theos-Talk Archives (April 2005 Message tt00797)

You might find this article interesting as I am sure many others 
will. This is only a small snippet as it is 1.00am here and too 
tired to absorb it all.
Cass

THE NEW WORLD ORDER 

Between 1983-1986, the British-born conspiracy theorist Antony 
Sutton wrote a series of pamphlets about the Order of Skull & Bones. 
According to informed sources, Sutton was one of several historians 
who were provided with a large file of the Order's internal 
documents, including minutes of some meetings, descriptions of 
rituals, and what would appear to be a rather complete list of its 
members from its founding through to the early 1980s. The short 
pamphlets were compiled into one volume and published as a book in 
1986. For someone closely following the just-concluded Persian Gulf 
War and attempting to gain some insight into George Bush's 
performance during that largely orchestrated affair, one recurring 
theme in the Sutton volume stands out like a sore thumb: the New 
World Order. According to the Skull & Bones documents used by Sutton 
in his somewhat flawed profile of the Order, the creation of a New 
World Order is a primary goal of the Bonesmen and has been for 
decades. For the initiates into the Order, the term New World Order 
has a very specific meaning. It is a world dominated by American 
military power and American control over all strategic raw 
materials. Just as the Greek city-state of Sparta provided the Skull 
& Bones with the image of a WASP warrior caste, the Persian Empire, 
with its system of coalitions of satrap armies, provides the model 
for the Bonesmen's New World Order. The image of Secretary of State 
James A. Baker III traveling from foreign capital to foreign 
capital, demanding military legions or chests of gold to finance the 
war for a New World Order is an image straight out of the chronicles 
of the Persian Empire. According to the recent biography of Henry 
Stimson, the man who inspired President Bush was firmly convinced, 
that it was essential for America to go to war once every generation 
or so. It was, for Stimson, a spiritually cleansing process which 
enables the nation to rally behind a cause and overcome its 
weaknesses and shortcomings in one grand burst of military fervor. 
The romantic mystique of the purgative powers of combat is key to 
understanding the political philosophy of Skull & Bones. Although 
America's Vietnam debacle remains a bitter memory of the Bonesmen's 
failure in war, the recent Persian Gulf conflict, with its massive 
overkill and the use of highly advanced weapons and technologies, is 
now the new glorious symbol of the WASP warrior caste's 
reincarnation. When President Bush vowed that "the Gulf War would 
not be another Vietnam," he was speaking first and foremost to his 
fellow Bonesmen-not to the American people. If such thinking smacks 
of dangerous fantasy on the part of a major world power in the 
modern era, it is indeed. On a more practical political level, the 
Gulf War was a gambit to save the Bush presidency from a mounting 
pile of domestic financial woes, not the least of which was the 
savings and loan (S&L) crisis and a pending series of failures of 
major commercial banks. In the months preceding the gulf showdown, 
the president's own son, Neil Bush, came under intense media 
scrutiny for his role in the failure of a large S&L in Colorado. 
Neil's photograph, testifying under oath before a congressional 
committee probing fraud among top S&L managers, became a familiar 
front-page feature in every major newspaper in America, threatening 
dangerous popular disillusion with the Yale Bonesman in the White 
House. With a U.S. federal government deficit projected at nearly a 
half a trillion dollars for Fiscal Year 1991, in large part because 
of the S&L crisis and a shrinking business tax base, the Democratic 
Party majority in the U S Congress was pressing for deep cutbacks in 
defense spending now that the Cold War had ended. On the 
international stage, the reunification of Germany, clearly the most 
dramatic event of 1990, posed new challenges to the Bush team. 
Germany was about to emerge as the dominant power in continental 
Europe by virtue of its advanced industrial infrastructure and its 
long tradition of independent political dealings with Moscow. Just 
months before the outbreak of the gulf crisis, Germany's Chancellor 
Helmut Kohl had met with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and 
signed a long term economic assistance pact. As a result, Gorbachev 
dropped all remaining objections to the immediate reunification of 
Germany. At that point, the Bush administration changed its tactics. 
Previously, in sharp contrast to the Thatcher government in Great 
Britain, it had been nominally in favor of German reunification. But 
at the Houston economic summit of the Group of Seven Industrialized 
Countries in the summer of 1990, the United States blocked (with 
Britain) Germany's plan of unconditional economic aid to the Soviet 
Union. President Bush took the position that the Soviet Union must 
submit to International Monetary Fund requisites as a precondition 
for any substantive economic assistance. In the Far East, Japan's 
continuing growth in manufacturing also posed a threat to 
Washington's desire to retain superpower status. If President Bush 
and his Bonesmen coterie were unaware of a stunning historical 
analogy, their British "cousins" were quick to pick up on the 
parallels between the global strategic situation in July 1990 and 
the identical international situation that existed 100 years 
earlier. In the 1890s, France, under the brilliant political 
leadership of Foreign Minister Gabriel Hanataux, was attempting to 
forge a Eurasian alliance with Germany, Russia and Meiji Japan. The 
idea was to link continental Europe with Japan and China through a 
series of large overland infrastructure projects, beginning with the 
Trans-Siberian Railroad. Through treaties covering key areas of 
economic and security matters, Hanataux hoped to create a zone of 
prosperity, built on a foundation of rapid economic growth and 
extensive trade. Such a political-economic common interest alliance 
threatened the imperial hegemony of Great Britain. At the turn of 
the 20th century, Britain looked to the United States (as its 
English-speaking ally) to join in sabotaging the Hanataux plan. 
Through the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the Russo-Japanese War 
of 1905, Britain and her American junior partner (by then led by 
Henry Stimson's old mentor Teddy Roosevelt) managed to disrupt the 
French-German-Russian-Japanese econornic axis. Two world wars and 
the Great Depression were the consequences of that interference. 

THE PERSIAN GULF WAR

It was against this historical backdrop that President Bush, 
invoking the World War II imagery of his Skull & Bones idol Henry 
Stimson, went to war against Iraq. There is even speculation that 
President Bush was personally instrumental in luring Saddam Hussein 
into invading Kuwait, thereby, provoking the American-led military 
response. Many news accounts have emphasized that a two-hour private 
meeting between the president and Margaret Thatcher in the Aspen, 
Colorado vacation chalet of U.S. Ambassador Henry Catto on August 2, 
1990 helped finalize Bush's decision to immediately deploy military 
force. Recently, an astute Japanese analyst drew a disturbing 
parallel between Bush and FDR, who was greatly influenced by 
Stimson. According to the writer, FDR lured Japan into World War II 
through an intricate series of economic warfare maneuvers which left 
Japan with little choice but to strike back. In much the same way, 
said the analyst, Bush had lured Saddam Hussein into Kuwait in order 
to launch a new Gulf War that would have consequences reaching far 
beyond Iraq and the Middle East. As a result of the military victory 
over Iraq, the United States is in the process of establishing a 
string of permanent military bases throughout the Persian Gulf and 
Near East. The oil sheikdoms of the region, led by Saudi Arabia, are 
now thoroughly dependent on the American military presence to ensure 
the survival of their regimes. The Organization of Petroleum 
Exporting Countries (OPEC) is effectively captured by Washington. 
American bankers aided by U.S. gunboats now are setting world oil 
prices. Thus, one consequence of the Persian Gulf War is that the 
United States now has an oil weapon pointed principally at Germany 
and Japan. Ironically, America's two chief economic rivals have paid 
out a total of $27 billion to date to help finance a Bush 
administration military adventure which put the oil weapon in 
Washington's hand. Another telling example of how the Order's man in 
the Oval Office intends to administer a crumbling U.S. domestic 
economy while imposing the New World Order on the rest of the world 
is to be found in the recent buyout of the majority of stock in 
Citicorp, the largest U.S. commercial bank, by Saudi Prince Talal 
bin Abdul Aziz. Citicorp is one of the major American commercial 
banks on the verge of collapse, but which is considered by the Bush 
administration and the Federal Reserve System to be "too big to 
fall." The stock purchase amounted to a Saudi Royal Family bail-out 
of Citicorp, using the increased profits being enjoyed by the House 
of Saud as a result of the massive jump in Saudi oil production 
since the beginning of the gulf crisis in August 1990. There points 
up a striking difference between the role of the United States in 
World War II and the Bush administration's handling to date of the 
Middle East crisis. During World War II, the United States went 
through a genuine economic revival. Skull & Bones historian Samuel 
Huntington described it as a "neo Hamiltonian" policy, a reference 
to the first United States Secretary of the Treasury Alexander 
Hamilton. Beginning in 1939, America became a major supplier of 
military and industrial goods under the Lend-Lease program to the 
European states fighting Hitler. At the same time, the federal 
government began issuing low interest credits to revive the nation's 
manufacturing base which had been gutted by a decade of economic 
depression. The industrial buildup accelerated once the United 
States formally entered World War II, leading to the establishing of 
entirely new industrial sectors, such as aerospace and 
petrochemicals. This time around--at least to date--there has been 
no such marshaling of the U.S. domestic industrial base. Despite 
moderate increases in the production of certain high-tech weapons 
systems, the U.S. economy continues its gradual slide into what 
could be a new depression. Unemployment is greater than at any point 
in the last decade. Some sociologists fear that the complete 
disintegration of America's urban centers could produce new race-
riots as early as the summer of 1991. The single greatest challenge 
to George Bush and the.Order is: Can they capitalize on the current 
revival of the American spirit to reverse the disastrous post-
industrial society dogmas, and launch their own version of the World 
War II neo-Hamiltonian industrial recovery? So far, some doomsayers 
claim, it appears that Bush and his administration plan instead to 
direct their efforts at looting and blackmailing the rest of the 
world--especially the gulf oil sheikdoms, Japan and Germany--into 
bailing out the bankrupt U.S. financial houses and federal 
government and financing the posting of American-led foreign legions 
at every corner of the globe where there are large deposits of 
strategic raw materials. If this policy is not altered, George Bush 
may soon find himself presiding over a new disaster that will make 
the Vietnam debacle appear insignificant in comparison. The politics 
of the New World Order appear to be borrowed largely from the pages 
of the decline and fall of the British Empire. Political columnist 
Patrick Buchanan, an early vocal opponent of the Bush Persian Gulf 
strategy, warned as early as August 1990 that the White House was 
falling into the trap of British "balance of power" politics, the 
very politics that left Great Britain on the scrap heap of world 
powers at the close of World War II, and put Winston Churchill, the 
architect of World War II and the Cold War, out of a job. Since the 
crushing military defeat of Iraq by a technologically far superior 
American-led coalition, the Bush administration has vacillated on a 
postwar policy or the region. It has pursued a pragmatic power 
balancing game which is rife with potential problems. The two key 
elements of the American balance-of-power politics in the region are 
the preservation of a weakened but territorially whole Iraq to 
offset the other would-be regional powers Iran and Syria. At the 
same time, it is tilting toward a nominally more "pro-Arab" position 
with regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict. While the harsh 
reparations terms being imposed upon a war-devastated Iraq, are 
probably, in the mind of Bush, aimed at dissuading any future 
regional military power from launching cross-border aggressions, 
they amount to the slow, excruciating extermination of the 
population of that country. As one seasoned observer noted 
recently,earlier air wars had caused greater immediate losses of 
life, due to the inaccuracy of bombs and rockets but had generally 
left basic infrastructures intact. The precision bombing of Iraq's 
entire infrastructure has caused what a United Nations team has 
called an "apocalypse." The greater loss of life, will occur in the 
aftermath of the combat as a country with 16 million inhabitants is 
suddenly thrown into a "pre-industrial" state with no electricity, 
no water or other necessities. American humanitarian aid, 
administered by occupying troops will not offset this apocalypse, 
especially if harsh war reparations and asset seizures deprive Iraq 
of the financial resources needed to begin a rebuilding process. 
Regardless of the fact that the United States has not thrown the 
full weight of its military presence behind the overthrow of the 
Saddam Hussein regime, the shortsightedness of the present Bush 
policy may very well lead to a Lebanon-type protracted civil war in 
Iraq. Such a war could potentially spread throughout the region.
http://www.alpheus.org/html/source_materials/parapolitics/sandb.html